Leave me alone essays

Leave me alone essays Many celebrities are always being followed at by paparazzi. They mostly follow the celebrities that are at their peak of the job. One of the huge paparazzi victims was the singer and king of pop Michael Jackson. He has been through so many problems through the scrutiny of the media. Everything he does has been sent to the public in a wrong and weird way that everybody from the media to the people has tagged him as wacko Jacko. Michael himself has told the public many times that many of the allegations that have been told about me are totally false. A persons privacy should be kept private and not be known to the public. In the year 1989, Michael Jackson released a song titled Leave me alone. This was from his album Bad. From the music that he makes, a person can clearly state that the genre he will fall into is pop. Later on in his carrier he was recognized as the king of pop. He had fans in all types of race and religion, whether it was African American, Caucasian, Asian, and so forth. Everyone was affected by his music. Pop music, which is, basically known as popular music was the most listened to genre of music during the period of his career. Michael Jackson was a huge during this time that many of his songs were super hits. Just like all Leave me alone won a Grammy award for Michael. There was so much scrutiny about Michael life due to his physical change by a cosmetic nose job. The surgery changed his face color. The media portrayed him as a white man wannabe. There were many reports that many of his African American fans hated him for that reason. He was criticized by many for his acting of an innocent person. He said that the changes were natural. The tone of the song itself was very madly done. The lyrics were also used in a mad way. This was to reflect upon the hatred toward the media. The main lyric of the song ...

What German Learners Need to Know About the Genitive Case

What German Learners Need to Know About the Genitive Case This article  examines some of the finer points concerning the use of the Genitive case and assumes you already know the basics. If you do not, you may want to check out The Four German Noun Cases article first. It may offer you some comfort to know that even Germans have problems with the genitive. A common error made by native-speakers of German is to use an apostrophe - English-style - in possessive forms. For instance, they will often write â€Å"Karl’s Buch† instead of the correct form, â€Å"Karls Buch.† Some observers claim this is an influence of English, but it is an influence that is often seen on store signs and even on the sides of trucks in Austria and Germany. For non-Germans, there are other genitive problems of more concern. While it is true that the genitive case is used less in spoken German, and its frequency even in formal, written German has declined over the last few decades, there are still many situations when mastery of the genitive is important. When you look up a noun in a German dictionary, whether bilingual or German-only, youll see two endings indicated. The first indicates the genitive ending, the second is the plural ending or form. Here are two examples for the noun  Film: Film, der; -(e)s, -e  /  Ã‚  Film  m  -(e)s, -e The first entry is from a paperback all-German dictionary. The second is from a large German-English dictionary. Both tell you the same thing: The gender of  Film  is masculine (der), the genitive form is  des Filmes  or  des Films  (of the film) and the plural is  die Filme  (films, movies). Since feminine nouns in German dont have any genitive ending, a dash indicates no ending:  Kapelle, die; -, -n. The genitive form of most neuter and masculine nouns in German is fairly predictable, with an -sor -es  ending. (Almost all nouns ending in  s,  ss,  ÃƒÅ¸,  sch,  z  or  tz  must end with -es  in the genitive.) However, there are some nouns with unusual genitive forms. Most of these irregular forms are masculine nouns with a genitive -n  ending, rather than -s  or -es. Most (but not all) words in this group are weak masculine nouns that take an -n  or -en  ending in the  accusative  and  dative  cases, plus some neuter nouns. Here are a few examples: der Architekt  -  des Architekten  (architect)der Bauer  -  des Bauern  (farmer, peasant)der Friede(n) -  des Friedens  (peace)der Gedanke  -  des Gedankens  (thought, idea)der Herr  -  des Herrn  (sir, gentleman)das Herz  -  des Herzens  (heart)der Klerus  -  des Klerus  (clergy)der Mensch  -  des Menschen  (person, human)der Nachbar  -  des Nachbarn  (neighbor)der Name  -  des Namens  (name) See a full list of  special masculine nouns  that take unusual endings in the genitive and other cases in our  German-English Glossary of Special Nouns. Before we take an even closer look at the genitive case, lets mention one area of the genitive that is mercifully simple: the genitive  adjective endings. For once, at least one aspect of German grammar is plain and simple! In genitive phrases, the adjective ending is (almost) always -en, as in  des roten Autos  (of the red car),  meiner teuren Karten  (of my expensive tickets) ordieses neuen Theaters  (of the new theater). This adjective-ending rule applies to any gender and the plural in the genitive, with almost any form of the definite or indefinite article, plus  dieser-words. The very few exceptions are usually adjectives that are normally not declined at all (some colors, cities):  der Frankfurter Bà ¶rse  (of the Frankfurt stock exchange). The genitive -en  adjective ending is the same as in the dative case. If you look at our  Adjective Dative and Accusative  Endings  page, the genitive adjective endings are identical to those shown for the dative case. This applies even to genitive phrases without an article:  schweren Herzens  (with a heavy heart). Now lets continue with our look at some additional exceptions to the normal genitive endings for some neuter and masculine nouns. No Genitive Ending The genitive ending is omitted with: Many foreign words -  des Atlas, des Euro  (but also  des Euros),  die Werke des BarockMost foreign geographical names -  des High Point, die Berge des Himalaja  (or  des Himalajas)Days of the week, months -  des Montag, des Mai  (but also  des Maies/Maien),  des JanuarNames with titles (ending on title only) -  des Professors Schmidt, des amerikanischen Architekten Daniel Libeskind, des Herrn MaierBut...  des Doktor (Dr.) Mà ¼ller  (Dr. considered part of the name) Formulaic Genitive Expressions The genitive is also used in some common idiomatic or formulaic expressions in German (which are not usually translated into English with of). Such phrases include: eines Tages  - one day, some dayeines Nachts  - one night (note irreg. genitive form)eines kalten Winters  - one cold wintererster Klasse fahren  - to travel in first classletzten Endes  - when all is said and donemeines Wissens  - to my knowledgemeines Erachtens  - in my opinion/view UsingVonInstead of the Genitive Case In colloquial German, especially in certain dialects, the genitive is usually replaced by a  von-phrase or (particulary in Austria and southern Germany) with a possessive pronoun phrase:  der/dem Erich sein Haus  (Erichs house),  die/der Maria ihre Freunde  (Marias friends). In general, the use of the genitive in modern German is viewed as fancy language, more often used at a higher, more formal language register or style than that used by the average person. But the genitive is preferred in place of a  von-phrase when it may have a dual or ambiguous meaning. The dative phrase  von meinem Vater  can mean either of my father or from my father. If the speaker or writer wants to avoid possible confusion in such cases, the use of the genitive  des Vaters  would be preferable. Below youll find some guidelines regarding the use of  von-phrases as a genitive substitute: The genitive is often replaced by a  von-phrase... to avoid repetition:  der Schlà ¼ssel von der Tà ¼r des Hausesto avoid awkward language situations:  das Auto von Fritz  (rather than the old-fashioned  des Fritzchens  or  Fritz Auto)in spoken German:  der Bruder von Hans, vom Wagen  (if the meaning is clear) The genitive  must  be replaced by a  von-phrase with... pronouns:  jeder von uns,  ein Onkel von ihra single noun without an article or declined adjective:  ein Geruch von Benzin,  die Mutter von vier Kindernafter  viel  or  wenig:  viel von dem guten Bier As  mentioned in this article about prepositions that take the genitive case, even here the dative seems to be replacing the genitive in everyday German. But the genitive is still a vital part of German grammarand it delights native speakers when non-native speakers use it correctly.

Introduction to Organisations and Management Essay - 10

Introduction to Organisations and Management - Essay Example As such, this report seeks to critically evaluate how these concepts are implemented by two different organisations namely; Watsons Engine Components and H & M Consulting. The report starts by giving a brief description of the two organisations followed by a critical discussion of how these organisations differ in the implementation of the above mentioned concepts in their operations. Similarities and differences between the implementation of these concepts will be outlined and a conclusion to sum up the major points discussed will be given at the end of the report. 1.1 Description of the organisations Watsons is an independent, family-owned company which specialises in mass-production of engine parts for cars in North East London. The company employees 200 people in total and these comprise of 125 semi-skilled production workers, 15 clerical workers, 20 technical staff and 40 managers. On the other hand, H&M Consulting is a large global management, engineering and development consul tancy which was established in 1989 when two consultancy businesses merged. The company has grown from strength to strength since then and in 2007, it bought an educational consultancy in Romania, an environmental firm in the Netherlands and a power engineering company in the USA in a bid to strengthen its market sectors in these countries. The company employs more than 13  000 employees. 2.0 Organisational design and structure Structuring the flow of work involves decisions about how the organisation as a whole is structured (Swanepoel, 1998). Basically, organisation design essentially means choosing an organisational structure that is appropriate for strategy implementation and mission accomplishment. Kleynhans (2007) suggests that there are different structural variables that come into play in the process of designing an organisation and these include the following: configuration which deals with the number of levels in hierarchies, formalisation which concerns the use of forma l procedures in policy formulation, specialisation as well as centralisation which refers to the extent to which power and authority are delegated. As can be seen, all these variables hold important implications in respect of different types of organisational structures. Whilst there are different types of organisational structures, it can be noted that Watsons Engine Components has a bureaucratic organisation structure. This is also known as a mechanist approach to organisation design which is described as an â€Å"organisation design emphasising the importance of achieving high levels of production and efficiency through extensive use of rules and procedures and authority.† (Gibson & Donnelly, 1994 as cited in Swanepoel, 1998). A close analysis of the case study for this organisation shows that its structure is very old-fashioned and hierarchical. The organisation is highly unionised and has a very poor history of relations between the management and the employees. This has often led to job actions and is mainly attributed to lack of trust between the management and the employees. Another aspect that illustrates the hierarchical structure of the organisation is that the people in the Marketing Department for instance rarely speak to anyone in the Manufacturing Department given that it is the firm’s procedure that interdepartmental liaison should go

The opportunities for YSL to expand into the youth market Dissertation

The opportunities for YSL to expand into the youth market - Dissertation Example This essay discusses that luxury fashion now plays a significant role in society and the economy, the revenue has raised every year no matter in western or eastern countries. More and more people are willing to put their budget on buying luxury goods even for their children. Globalization has made luxury fashion consumers have more choices to purchase, based on this circumstance; luxury brands need to create their brand strategy, unique selling proposition or market extension to face competitors. YSL is a French luxury brand with high reputation in the field of fashion industry, although its legendary concept has been deeply rooted in people for a long time, however, with the changes of time, it is a fact that YSL does not make a significant profit than in the past. How could YSL restore its splendid time and create its niche are the purposes of the dissertation. Many cases have shown that there is an increasing number of brands to launch second line to expand young market, it is bel ieved that younger consumers are lucrative consumers, in addition, teenagers are more and more considered as potential luxury consumers and are therefore the focus of some firm’s marketing investments in an attempt to construct a solid and loyal consumer base. It is undeniable that today’s young consumers are tomorrow’s adult consumers, with more purchasing power; therefore, having them as loyal customers early will result in a loyal adult consumer base. Based on this trend, it could be an opportunity for YSL to launch a secondary lines in order to attract youth market. Luxury fashion industry commonly manipulates advertisement which "feature products, models, celebrities and society personalities in advertising to reflect the brand essence and message" to communicate with their consumers (Okonkwo, 2007). Advertising is regarded as an important instrument which facilitates the decision making of the young customers, if they are going to buy the products offered by YSL. Different claims had already been regarded about the influence and impact of advertisement to a specific target market. While it has been associated to other determinants, the impact of advertising with the perspective of aesthetics and beauty, specifically for women have became renowned in the global market. In this regard, this part aims on discussing the importance of advertising specifically to attract the attention of the young customers for YSL. In a common aspect, advertising has been used to impart to the target customers of a specific brand or product and how it can be accessed and purchase. In addition, it also provides crucial data and information, specifically the characteristics and features of the customers. When an efficient advertising is attained efficiently, this can result to an enhanced demand of the brand. The main goal and purpose of visual analysis is to attract young generation by using the aspect of advertising. Contents Essay 1 Context issue: critic al evaluation of the relationship

E-mail Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

E-mail - Essay Example But, the US marine's death in the blast of a roadside bomb on November 13, 2004 during a routine foot patrol in the Al Anbar province of Iraq has spared off a debate on his e-mail account with his family staking claim to access its details. The parents' claim that his son's email account should be made accessible to them was bluntly rejected by the Internet giant Yahoo on the ground that it violated the privacy rules (Chambers, Yahoo denies family access to slain soldier's e-mail). The question is whether or not his parents should be allowed access to his email account. The killed marine's father, John Ellsworth, argues that his son's email account, with its complete details, works as a journal for future generations as it provides an opportunity for people to go through the actual words from someone direct on the warfront in Iraq (who owns your e-mails Para 5). Many experts feel that the Yahoo management had acted correctly (Leach 12). But, the father seems to be right going by the utilitarian principles as the act of providing access by the Yahoo to the son's email account brigs about certain utility to the family in shape of happiness. Here, the parents of the killed soldier are guided by the family emotions and sentiments ant that particular act of accessing the son's email account would result in moments of happiness for the 2 family. Utilitarianism, as per the theory advocated by John Stuart Mill, aims at the ultimate utility and happiness of people. It sustains greatly even if one person derives pleasure from the act of others and on the act of his own (Mill, 10). Mill further says that this great act of providing happiness to others stems gradually through cultivation of a noble character. There is no need to make a special mention that noble character builds from the fundamentals of the ethics. Utilitarianism therefore draws its strength directly from ethics and morals. The killed soldier's parents, aghast at their son's untimely death, might have wanted to keep the messages in the e-mail account as memoirs throughout their lives. In an ethical point of view, the parents of the young American soldier should be provided full access of the mail box of their son to make them happy. Further, by making the mail box messages available to the family, Yahoo would lose nothing except being accused by its users of violating the privacy policy. Sure, it can support its case on ethical grounds if it provides access. But, certainly it is not violating the privacy of others. Knowing this full well, the Yahoo management has refused permission fearing that it may lose popular support. One may support the Yahoo's argument under the principles of negative utilitarianism which prescribes promotion of least amount of harm / evil or prevention of the greatest amount of harm / evil for the greatest number (Negative utilitarianism, Para 1). Here, providing accessibility of the e-mail only results in happiness to the parents. Moreover, the question of promoting evil does not arise. The company may argue that by denying the access of the mail box to the parents, it is preventing a possible greatest harm to its greatest number of users. But, the possible greatest harm indicates a hypothetical tendency and the principles of negative utilitarianism can never be applied in this context as it is not a certain ty that providing access of the e-mail would harm

Philosophy Essay Example for Free

Philosophy Essay 1. How do philosophical questions differ from scientific or factual questions? Philosophy specializes in questions that cannot be answered scientifically, mainly because there are not elements of the question that can be measured or tested empirically. Philosophy questions things and the answers are sought to be more opinionated and based on certain points of view. Philosophy focuses on questions similar to â€Å"how does this work. † A philosophical question that is beneficial is anything that has to do with life, death, or the universe. Philosophical questions do not possess definite answers, and they do not require measurements. For instance, a question could read, â€Å"What makes a great dad? † One person may answer the question saying, qualities that make a great dad would include spending one on one time with the child, always attending school functions and events, and always making time for the children. While this answer could be true for that individual another individual could answer the question saying, a great dad is one who provides all necessities for the family through financial stability, and actions that prove he cares. Both of these answers can possess the capability of being correct because the question is based on personal opinions and there is no definite way to define this. The science approach attempts to answer all the questions that it can empirically, but this is sometimes not possible. The reason some of the times it is not possible is because the questions increase over time and with the advances in technology. As technology expands the more questions that it rises to science and the more questions that are left without a scientific answer. The specific feature of science is to measure and weigh everything. Factual is evidence in themselves and are therefore established. Philosophy and science have much in common. Many of the greatest philosophers were also scientists, or possessed the quality to be categorized as one in his or her time period. Philosophers approach questions similarly to the way scientists do with his or her critical thinking. Scientists formulate theories and then test them against what they can observe or reason. Scientific questions implies that an individual is inquiring about the world around him or her and expecting precise answers. A scientific question possesses an independent variable and a dependent variable in it. A factual question is a question about a fact, â€Å"where did this event happen? † is factual because it is asking for facts. But a scientific or factual question are ones that possess the ability to be answered through verification which will produce some types of definite answers that are measurable and concrete proof. An example of this type of question would include, â€Å"how tall is sally? † The answer that an individual comes up with will be accurate because he or she takes the scientific measurements to answer the question to eliminate speculations. However, speculations could occur while answering how tall Sally is because one could say well is that Sally’s accurate height, because when an individual first awakens they are taller than they are in the evening. When an individual first awaken his or her body has had time to relax and stretch out for the evening sleep, and if measurements were taken during the day or at night the body has not maintained the ability to stretch out causing the individual to be shorter. Personally the way around this would be to measure Sally three times once in the morning, the middle of the afternoon, and finally in the evening. 2. How did the approaches to philosophical inquiry progress from the Pre-Socratics to Socrates, Plato, and finally to Aristotle? How do these changing approaches reflect cultural influences that affected the philosophers of ancient Greece? The philosophical inquiry process during the pre-Socrates era was based mainly on metaphysics which asks what the nature of being is. The Socrates era began to question viewpoints that began asking and answering questions to stimulate an individuals’ critical thinking and in turn illuminating ideas, this began to form a debate and inquiry between individuals’ opposing this view. The dialectical method is a process that the Socrates began and involves oppositional discussions. This method involves oppositional discussions that defend one point of view against another point of view. One individual may lead others to contract his or her point of view in turn strengthening the inquirer’s view point. Plato began to challenge the paradox dialectical method of education upon examining it, â€Å"if one knows nothing, then how will one come to recognize knowledge when he or she encounters it? † The Socrates of Plato came to a different conclusion. The Socrates began to use a slave boy and demonstrate through geometry lessons that every individual acquires even the smallest amount of knowledge, and the knowledge serves as a window into the individual’s eternal and omniscient soul. By communicating with the slave the teacher could contest the student’s false opinions until he came to a true opinion that withstood severities of critical examination. Although the individual’s soul is the warehouse of the knowledge each individual must learn how to access the knowledge and recall it. Plato began to dwindle from the Sophists by Plato distanced himself further from Sophists by separating knowledge from opinions. The scientific method came around after the introduction from Aristotle. The scientific method is the development and explanation of rules for scientific investigation and reasoning that is not clear-cut. The scientific method is a hot topic for many severe and frequent debates throughout the science’s history. Many of the natural philosophers and scientists argue for the primary of a single approach that will establish scientific knowledge. Many debates that surround the scientific method is centered on rationalism. Empiricism is the main component of scientific tradition according to Aristotle. Aristotle felt that individual can gain the knowledge of universal truth through particular things such as induction. In some measures Aristotle brings together abstract thought with observations. Aristotelian science is not empirical in form, and many individuals commonly mistake this implication. Aristotle denies that individuals develop knowledge through induction and possesses the ability to be considered scientific knowledge. The main preliminary to scientific business enquiry is induction, this provides the preliminary grounds for scientific demonstrations. The main job of philosophers was to examine and discover the truths causes and to demonstrate universal truths. Even though induction was satisfactory for discovering universals by simplification, it lacked the ability to successfully identify the causes. Aristotle sought after identifying the causes and began using deductive reasoning in the form of syllogisms. Using the syllogisms, scientists possessed the capability of inferring new universal truths from ones that have previously been established by other philosophers. Personally upon learning about these different philosophers. I think the different inquiry processes empowered each philosopher to think out of the realm of normality and not except the norm which enabled Greece and even other cultures to answer questions and in turn gain more knowledge. 3. How are philosophical opinions justified? Epistemology contains the theory of justification and struggles to nderstand justifications of proposals and beliefs. Philosophical opinions are justified because of epistemology, which is associated to philosophies including justification, beliefs, and truths. Epistemology deals with the means of the production of knowledge. According to Plato, justification is the final component of knowledge and without it individuals only have a true opinion. Belief is a state of mind on which an individual can often fickle and liable to change. Justification is the factual rationalization of true opinions, reality is the thing that grounds it (Baker, 2013). Justification based theories of knowledge are categorized into two subsections, irrationalism and panrationalism. Irrationalism is something that draws to irrational principles and authorities, including an individual’s feelings. Panrationalism is rational criteria and principles including reasoning and observation. I believe that philosophical opinions are justified in various ways. Philosophical opinions not necessarily justified but are guided by personal experiences and religious beliefs. When beliefs are justified there is always a justifier or something that justifies the belief. Different things can be justifiers for example the following three items are suggested, the first is solely beliefs, beliefs that are together with other cognizant mental states, and finally beliefs, cognizant mental states, and other realities about individuals and his or her surrounding and the environment, which individuals may or may not possess the access to. As with every philosophical ideas there is criticism following the theory of justification. Held by critical rationalists W. W.  Bartley, David Miller, and Karl Popper, non-justificational criticism is the major opposition that is against this theory. Criticism to the justificationism is trying to prove that the claims lack the ability to be reduced to the influence or criteria that it influences appeals to, it states that justification is a primary claim and the claim itself is secondary. Nonjustificational criticism strives to attack the claims themselves. The first being guided by personal experience is because individuals tend to associate his or her philosophy on the basis of experiences they have encountered. An example that one can contribute to this is old policies that an individual has seen work effectively and as a result an opinion or philosophy is developed believing that it is the only way or best way because it worked for the individual. Another way philosophical opinions are justified is through religious orientation and is believed to be the most significant majority of the time. From birth individuals are drilled about right and wrong according to his or her religious views. Religious orientation affects an individual in all philosophical areas. Some include what to eat, creation and what is acceptable or not and because it is based on faith instead of facts, religion really shapes and individuals life because it effects ones choices in life. I think that justifying an individual’s ethical and moral beliefs is unnecessary, I think that individuals are entitled to believe and have certain opinions on what they choose. If these individuals try to justify his or her moral beliefs then they are clarifying an issue and answering a question.

Relationship Between Building, Dwelling and Notion of Home

Relationship Between Building, Dwelling and Notion of Home Discuss the relationship between building, dwelling and the notion of home, drawing on ethnographic examples, Understanding building as a process enables architecture to be considered as a form of material culture. Processes of building and dwelling are interconnected according to Ingold (2000), who also calls for a more sensory appreciation of dwelling, as provided by Bloomer and Moore (1977) and Pallasmaa (1996) who suggest architecture is a fundamentally haptic experience. A true dwelt perspective is therefore established in appreciating the relationship between dwelling, the notion of home and how this is enframed by architecture. We must think of dwelling as an essentially social experience as demonstrated by Helliwell (1996) through analysis of the Dyak Longhouse, Borneo, to enable us to harbour a true appreciation of space devoid of western visual bias. This bias is found within traditional accounts of living space (Bourdieu (2003) and Humphrey (1974)), which do however demonstrate that notions of home and subsequently space are socially specific. Life activities associated with dwell ing; sociality and the process of homemaking as demonstrated by Miller (1987) allow a notion of home to be established in relation to the self and haptic architectural experience. Oliver (2000) and Humphrey (2005) show how these relationships are evident in the failures of built architecture in Turkey and the Soviet Union. When discussing the concept of building, the process is twofold; The word building contains the double reality. It means both the action of the verb build and that which is builtboth the action and the result (Bran (1994:2)). With regards to building as a process, and treating that which is built; architecture, as a form of material culture, it can be likened to the process of making. Building as a process is not merely imposing form onto substance but a relationship between creator, their materials and the environment. For Pallasmaa (1996), the artist and craftsmen engage in the building process directly with their bodies and existential experiences rather than just focusing on the external problem; A wise architect works with his/her entire body and sense of selfIn creative workthe entire bodily and mental constitution of the maker becomes the site of work. (1996:12). Buildings are constructed according to specific ideas about the universe; embodiments of an understanding of the wo rld, such as geometrical comprehension or an appreciation of gravity (Lecture). The process of bringing structures into being is therefore linked to local cultural needs and practices.[1] Thinking about the building process in this way identifies architecture as a form of material culture and enables consideration of the need to construct buildings and the possible relationships between building and dwelling. Ingold (2000) highlights an established view he terms the building perspective; an assumption that human beings must construct the world, in consciousness, before they  can act within it. (2000:153). This involves an imagined separation between the perceiver and the world, upon a separation between the real environment (existing independently of the senses) and the perceived environment, which is constructed in the mind according to data from the senses and cognitive schemata (2000:178). This assumption that human beings re-create the world in the mind before interacting with it implies that acts of dwelling are preceded by acts of world-making (2000:179). This is what Ingold identifies as the architects perspective, buildings being constructed before life commences inside; the architects perspective: first plan and build, the houses, then import the people to occupy them. (2000:180). Instead, Ingold suggests the dwelling perspective, whereby human beings are in an inescapable cond ition of existence within the environment, the world continuously coming into being around them, and other human beings becoming significant through patterns of life activity (2000:153). This exists as a pre-requisite to any building process taking place as part of the natural human condition.; it is because human beings already hold ideas about the world that they are capable to dwelling and do dwell; we do not dwell because we have built, but we build and have built because we dwell, that is because we are dwellersTo build is in itself already to dwellonly if we are capable of dwelling, only then can we build. (Heidegger 1971:148:146, 16) (2000:186)). Drawing on Heidegger (1971), Ingold (2000) defines dwelling as to occupy a house, a dwelling place (2000:185). Dwelling does not have to take place in a building, the forms people build, are based on their involved activity; in the specific relational context of their practical engagement with their surroundings. (2000:186). A cave or mud-hut can therefore be a dwelling.[2] The built becomes a container for life activities (2000:185). Building and dwelling emerge as processes that are inevitably interconnected, existing within a dynamic relationship; Building then, is a process that is continuously going on, for as long as people dwell in an environment. It does not begin here, with a pre-formed plan and end there with a finished artefact. The final form is but a fleeting moment in the life of any feature when it is matched to a human purposewe may indeed describe the forms in our environment as instances of architecture, but for the most part we are not architects. For it is in the very process of dwelling that we build. (2000:188). Ingold recognises that the assumptive building perspective exists because of the occularcentristic nature of the dominance of the visual in western thought; with the supposition that building has occurred concomitantly with the architects written and drawn plan. He questions whether it is necessary to rebalance the sensorium in considering other senses to outweigh the hegemony of vision to gain a better appreciation of human dwelling in the world. (2000:155). Understanding dwelling as existing before building and as processes that are inevitably interconnected undermines the concept of the architects plan. The dominance of visual bias in western thought calls for an appreciation of dwelling that involves additional senses. Like the building process, a phenomenological approach to dwelling involves the idea that we engage in the world through sensory experiences that constitute the body and the human mode of being, as our bodies are continuously engaged in our environment; the world and the self inform each other constantly (Pallasmaa (1996:40)). Ingold (2000) recommends that; one can, in short, dwell just as fully in the world of visual as in that of aural experience (2000:156). This is something also recognised Bloomer and Moore (1977), who appreciate that a consideration of all senses is necessary for understanding the experience of architecture and therefore dwelling. Pallasmaa (1996) argues that the experience of architecture is multi -sensory; Every touching experience of architecture is multi-sensory; qualities of space, matter and scale are measured equally by the eye, ear, nose, skin, tongue, skeleton and muscleArchitecture strengthens the existential experience, ones sense of being in the world and this is essentially a strengthened experience of the self. (1996:41). For Pallasmaa, architecture is experienced not as a set of visual images, but in its fully embodied material and spiritual presence, with good architecture offering pleasurable shapes and surfaces for the eye, giving rise to images of memory, imagination and dream. (1996:44-45). For Bloomer and Moore (1977), it is architecture that provides us with satisfaction through desiring it and dwelling in it (1977:36). We experience architecture haptically; through all senses, involving the entire body. (1977:34). The entire body is at the centre of our experience, therefore the feeling of buildings and our sense of dwelling within them arefundamental to our architectural experience (1977:36).[3] Our haptic experience of the world and the experience of dwelling are inevitably connected; The interplay between the world of our bodies and the world of our dwelling is always in fluxour bodies and our movements are in constant dialogue with our buildings. (1977:57). The dynamic relationship of building and dwelling deepens then, whereby the sensory experience of architecture cannot be overlooked. It is the experience of dwelling that enables us to build, and drawing and Pallasmaa (1996) and Bloomer and Moore (1977) it is buildings that enable us to hold a particular exper ience of that dwelling, magnifying a sense of self and being in the world. Through Pallasmaa (1996) and Bloomer and Moore (1977) we are guided towards understanding a building not in terms of its outside and the visual, but from the inside; how a building makes us feel.[4]Taking this dwelt perspective enables us to understand what it means to exist in a building and aspects of this that contribute to establishing a notion of home. Early anthropological approaches exploring the inside of a dwelling gave rise to the recognition of particular notions of space that were socially specific. Humphrey (1974) explores the internal space of a Mongolian tent, a family dwelling, in terms of four spatial divisions and social status; The area away from the door, which faced south, to the fireplace in the centre, was the junior or low status halfthe lower halfThe area at the back of the tent behind the fire was the honorific upper partThis division was intersected by that of the male or ritually pure half, which was to the left of the door as you enteredwithin these four areas, the tent was further divided along its inner perimeter into named sections. Each of these was the designated sleeping place of the people in different social roles. (1974:273). Similarly, Bourdieu (2003) analyses the Berber House, Algeria, in terms of spatial divisions and two sets of oppositions; male (light) and female (dark), and the internal organ isation of space as an inversion of the outside world. (2003:136-137).[5] Further to this, Bourdieu concentrates on geometric properties of Berber architecture in defining its internal as inverse of the external space; the wall of the stable and the wall of the fireplace, take on two opposed meanings depending on which of their sides is being considered: to the external north corresponds the south (and the summer) of the insideto the external south corresponds the inside north (and the winter). (2003:138). Spatial divisions within the Berber house are linked to gender categorisation and patterns of movement are explained as such; the fireplace, which is the navel of the house (itself identified with the womb of the mother)is the domain of the woman who is invested with total authority in all matters concerning the kitchen and the management of food-stores; she takes her meals at the fireside whilst the man, turned towards the outside, eats in the middle of the room or in the courtya rd. (2003:136). Patterns of movement are also attributed to additional geometric properties of the house, such as the direction in which it faces (2003:137). Similarly, Humphrey (1974) argues that individuals had to sit, eat and sleep in their designated places within the Mongolian tent, in order to mark the rank of social category to which that person belonged,; spatial separation due to Mongolian societal division of labour. (1974:273). Both accounts, although highlighting particular notions of space, adhere to what Helliwell (1996) recognises as typical structuralist perspectives of dwelling; organising peoples in terms of groups to order interactions and activities between them. (1996:128). Helliwell argues that the merging ideas of social structure and the structure or form of architecture ignores the importance of social process and overlook an existing type of fluid, unstructured sociality (1996:129) This is due to the occularcentristic nature of western thought; the bias of visualism which gives prominence to visible, spatial elements of dwelling. (1996:137). Helliwell argues in accordance with Bloomer and Moore (1977) who suggest that architecture functions as a stage for movement and interaction (1977:59). Through analysis of Dyak peoples lawang (longhouse community) social space in Borneo, without a focus on geometric aspects of longhouse architecture, Helliwell (1996) highlights how dwelling space is lived and used day to day. (1996:137). A more accurate analysis of the use of space within dwelling can be used to better understand the process, particularly with regard to the meanings that it generates in relation to the notion of home. The Dyak longhouse is a large structure built at up to three and a half metres above ground with a thatched roof stretching up to eight metres in height. Within the longhouse are a number of apartments side by side. These are seven names spaces running the length of the longhouse which are described as the inner area of the longhouse; the cooking, eating and sleeping area. An outer gallery are can be used by anyone, freely at anytime. (1996:131-133). Previous structuralist categorisation of these inner and outer areas as public and private domains have led to misrepresentation of relations between individual households and the wider longhouse community (1996:133). Spatial separation lies between us the longhouse community (lawang) and those outside of the longhouse community them. (1996:135). Helliwells recognition of the lack of spatial division within the longhouse community is the primary indicator of a more fluid type of sociality for the Dyak people. She highlights that previous structural approaches denoting each apartment as private has left little awareness of social relationships that operate between apartments, and considers the longhouse as a single structural entity, regardless of the single apartments that it is composed of; relationships are clearly marked: neither the seven spaces, nor the wall between swah (the world out there) and lawang, stop at the edges of any one apartment. Rather, they continue in identical form, into those on either side and so on down the entire length of the longhouse. (1996:137).The partition between apartments in the longhouse marks the edge of one apartment from another which visually appears to separate. However, Helliwell points out that they are composed of weak bark and materials stacked against one another, leaving gaps of all sizes in the partitions. Subsequently, animals pass through, people hand things back and forth and neighbours stand and talk to one another (1996:137-138). She describes the partitions as a highly permeable boundary: a variety of resources moves through it in both directions. (1996:138). It is the permeable partition that is therefore the core of longhouse sociability; its properties stimulate sharing in accordance with a flow of light and sound from one end of the longhouse to the other. (1996:138). A community of voices exists within a longhouse, flowing up and down its length as invisible speakers appear in monologue. The Dyak people, although invisible to one another, speak to their neighbours through these permeable boundaries in continual dialogue; they are profoundly present in one anothers lives. Through the sounds of their voices, neighbours two three, four or five apartments apart are tied into each others worlds and each others company as intimately as if they were in the same room. (1996:138). These voices create what Helliwell describes as a tapestry of sound, containing descriptions of a days events, feelings of individual women shared whilst they are alone in her apartment, subsequently affirming and recreating social connections across each apartment and reaffirming their part within the longhouse community. (1996:138-139). In addition, Helliwell highlights that their voices were not raised; (their) very mutedness reinforced, the sense of membership in an intimate, privileged worldgentle and generous in their reminder of a companionship constantly at hand. (1996:139). Here we begin to see Helliwells notion of fluid sociality and the experience of dwelling as a whole a social one. In addition to sound, the social fluidity of dwelling in a Dyak longhouse is reinforced by light from individual apartments and their hearths flowing up and down the longhouse at night. Each person is aware of their neighbours presence, with the absence of light from an apartment provoking concern. (1996:139). In essence, Helliwell stresses the sociality of dwelling, aside from spatial appreciations of the architecture in which it takes place. Although partitions mark the space of a Dyak household, they concomitantly incorporate a household into the wider longhouse community; It is this dual flow (sound and light) which constitutes each independent household as coterminous with all others and with the longhouse community as a whole. (1996:138). This creation of community brings to light the ways in which people use architecture, not just to mark divisions of space, but to implement and enable sociality. This is highly relevant for a true anthropological appreciation of dwelling and in particular its relationship with the notion of home. Dwelling is inevitably connected to the process of homemaking through its aspects of sociality as a physical and bodily experience within the built (Brand 1994:2) and as a fundamentally social experience. Architecture as a physical form of shelter that enfr ames the process of homemaking; what Ingold (2000) terms life activities (2000:185) and the coming together of people. Through acknowledgement of the social aspects of dwelling we can establish notions of home, which are primarily constructed on the dynamic relationship of building and dwelling and the aspects of sociality that occur through the dwelling process; life activities (Ingold (2000:185) and home-making, involving, kinship, memory, play, eating, ritual, and birth among other anthropological themes. A relationship emerges then, between dwelling and the notion of home, a dynamic relationship facilitated by the built, (Brand (1994:2)) taking place within architecture. Houses are defined by Carsten and Hugh-Jones (1995) as places in which the to and fro of life unfolds, built, modified, moved or abandoned in accord with the changing circumstances of their inhabitants. (1995:1). Home emerges as an architectural space which enframes the processes and characteristics associated with dwelling. Ingold (2000) suggests that a house is made, not constructed (2000:175). More specifically, Miller (1987) draws attention to the process of home-making through which the built becomes a home by a process of consumption and appropriation by tenants on a London council estate in England. He argues that through consumption and appropriation of their domestic space, tenants are able to develop and establish a sense of self (1987:354). This is in response to feeling like passive recipients of housing, alienated from society by being perceived as a particular class and at a level of poverty. (1987:357). Miller argues; on the wholethere was considerable evidence to suggest that the white population felt a deep unease about their household consumption status as tenants, reflected in resentment and feelings of being stigmatised. Furthermore they clearly associated the fitments provided in the kitchen with the council, as objects embodying in their materiality the intrusive signification of their status. (1987:365-366). In response, tenants transformed and changed their kitchens in different ways after having been given the same basic facilities by the council. (1987:356). This included alterations and renovations to fitted cupboards, standard plumbing and energy supplies and original black lino floors in addition to decorations, curtains and new white goods (1987:357). For Miller, kitchens became canvases (1987:360) for the tenants; The largest cluster comprised kitchens where substantial changes had been made to the decorative orderthese kitchens retained the original plain white surfaces. Instead, a large number of additional objects had been brought in and used, as it were, to cover the cupboards up.teatowels, breadboards, teacosies and trays were very common and often associated with a particular aesthetic of large bold flowers, cats, dogs and bright patterns. As well as being placed on surfaces, breadboards and trays were typically placed vertically against the walls with their face forward to emphasise their decorative nature. Post-cards, souvenirs, cuttings from magazines and pictorial calendars might be hung or stuck on the wallsthere was also the biographical patterneach piece appeared to be a momento of family or holidays, as in the commercial nostalgia style in which the relation between objects was maintained in the memories of the occupants but not expressed visually. (1987:361-362). Tenants properties subsequently became personalised, replacing and diverting attention from aspects of their kitchens they saw as indicators of their negative housing status (1987:362).[6] The implementation of kitchen aesthetics and other modes of creativity is one way of home-making, establishing a notion of home in accordance with establishing a sense of self. Connected to this, is the sociality of home making; aspects of marriage and kinship also highlighted by Miller, with females directing and viewed as recipients of expenditure and males undertaking renovations; In two cases i t was particularly clear that the couples were seen as coming together to overcome their status as tenants, and affirming the power of kinship and marriage in this struggle. (1987:367).[7] The notion of home reaffirms the concept that space is socially specific; the process of homemaking as an aspect of dwelling, related to how we live within time and space. When professional architects and builders ignore the needs, obligations and beliefs of socially specific people, the notion of home becoming disrupted, the result is an unsuccessful dwelling place. Oliver (2000) underlines that when the Kutahya Province in Turkey suffered an earthquake in 1970, fifty thousand homeless people were accommodated in fifteen thousand newly built dwellings. (2000:121). He comments that the accommodation, designed by architects, was suitable for the British 2.2 nuclear family as three room, single storey houses, quite unsuited to the extended peasant families, who were used to living on the upper floors of large two storey houses, storage, crops and cattle underneath them.(2002:121). A maximum of eighteen people lived in a house at one time, parents occupying one room, sons, their wives a nd children in others. The sofa was a communal space for meals, and privacy was strictly guarded. (2002:121). The emergency housing was small and unsuitable for the large peasant families; large windows caused them to be on show, there was no sofa and the living room opened on to the bedrooms. The toilet was external and public even though the people were discrete about bodily functions. (2000:121-122). In providing unsuitable buildings inconsiderate towards socially specific ideas of space, earthquake victims had no choice but to accept the offered housing or receive no other help. (2000:122). Oliver (2000) shows the architects failure, who; may design responsibly, but the process fails when he ignores the values, morals, building skills, experience and wisdom of the cultures whose housing needs are to be met. (2000:125). Notions of home can be varied,[8] but home and dwelling are inevitably connected through experiences and particular conceptions of how to dwell in terms of appropriate space and related activities. Other state built homes have caused the notion of home and its relationship with dwelling and architecture to be affirmed. Soviet construction of communal dwellings during the 1920s onwards attempted to impose meaning on inhabitants; that of socialist infrastructure to produce socialist men and women devoid of individuality and a bourgeois way of life (Humphrey (2005:40)). The result was unsuccessful, inhabitants not adopting socialist ways of being, but the meanings the architecture was intended to impose being subverted in Russian fiction and memoirs; example s of Russian imagination.(2005:43).[9] This Soviet example illustrates that meaning cannot be made through architecture and emphasises Miller (1987) and the process of home making. It is the process of home-making; the activities associated with dwelling and the sociality that it generates that establishes a home, a building being merely a container in which this takes place. The relationship between building and home therefore involves how we live in time and space, the process of homemaking challenging the structures that we build. Ingold (2000) suggests that dwelling is something that enables building. The opposite standpoint would be that it is building that enables human beings to dwell within architecture. Whatever ones view, it is inevitable that dwelling takes place, and eventually continues to take place within architecture, whether this is in vernacular form; a cave, hut or a barn, or provided by the nation state. It is a social fact that human beings build and dwell. Building and dwelling are inevitably interconnected, existing in a dynamic relationship with one another. Understanding this from a standpoint lacking in western visual bias, it is the process of dwelling; life activities (2000:185), its sociality and inevitable connection with building that exists in relation to the notion of home. Meaning is not made in the structure of a building it is dwelling; activities and social relations that creates and enables a meaning of home to be established in accordance with the self through haptic archit ectural experience and the home-making process. Pallasmaa (1996) argues that the meaning of a building is beyond architecture; The ultimate meaning of any building is beyond architecture; it directs our consciousness back to the world and towards our own sense of self and being. (1996:42). The relationship is evident when socially specific conceptions of space and inevitably particular notions of home are ignored; the architecture being unsuitable for dwelling, or failing in its primary purpose of imposing meaning. It can be said that building, dwelling and notions of home are united in an overarching relationship between human beings and their lived environment; the search for meaning and establishment of the self, in this case through forms of architectural experience. Bibliography Bloomer, K. Moore, C. (1977) Body, Memory and Architecture, Yale University Press   Bourdieu, P. (2003) The Berber House, in Low, S. Lawrence-Zuniga, D. (eds.) The Anthropology of Space and Place Blackwell, Oxford Brand, S. (1994) How Buildings Learn: what happens after theyre built. Phoenix, London Carsten, J. Hugh-Jones, S. (1995) About the House, Cambridge University Press Heidegger, M. (1971) Building, Dwelling Thinking in Poetry, language thought, trans. A. Hofstadter. New York, Harper and Row in Ingold, T. (2000) The Perception of the Environment Routledge, London. Helliwell, C. (1996) Space and Sociality in a Dyak Longhouse in Jackson, M. (ed.) (1996) Things as they are Bloomington: Indiana University Press Humphrey, C. (1974) Inside a Mongolian Tent in New Society 235-275 Humphrey, C. (2005) Ideology in infrastructure: architecture and Soviet imagination, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 11 (1) 39-58 Ingold, T. (2000) The Perception of the Environment, Routledge, London. Kahn, L. (1973) Shelter, Bolinas, Shelter Publications. Miller, D. (1987) Appropriating the State on the Council Estate, in Man (NS) 23, 353-372 Oliver, P. (2000) Ethics and Vernacular Architecture, in Fox, W. (ed.) (2000) Ethics and the Built Environment, Routledge, London. Pallasmaa (1996) The Eyes of the Skin, Academy Editions